A Higher Level of Openness and Engagement

Baku Dialogues:

Mr. Minister, we would like to begin with the obvious, namely that most great powers look at Central Asia and conclude that they have intrinsic national security and economic interests. And yet there is tension between those same great powers in terms of how they each define their respective interests in your part of the world.

And irrespective of the fact that—if we may put it this way—the regional meta‑narrative is that Central Asia is no longer a mere object of interna­tional relations, the great powers still can’t help looking at it through a Great Game lens. From such a perspective, Uzbekistan is seen as a par­ticularly important geopolitical object: your country has the largest pop­ulation in the region and a truly storied history; it’s the only country to border with all the other Central Asian states, including Afghanistan; and just a few years ago it launched a spectacular string of reform initiatives.

Uzbekistan’s leadership is obviously aware of this sort great power pos­ture and the risks associated with this. Uzbekistan’s foreign policy appears to taken a number of effective counter measures, so to speak. The first question is a stock‑taking one with respect to Uzbekistan’s foreign policy, of asking you to discuss how you have implemented a “balanced, mutually beneficial, and constructive foreign policy”—to quote from the document that lays out a national five‑year development strategy, slated for comple­tion in 2021.

Kamilov:

Due to a number of historical, geopolitical, demographic and economic factors, Uzbekistan is one of the backbone regional states that play a key role in maintaining stability and secu­rity, as well as in the sustainable socio‑economic develop­ment of its region.

The importance of Central Asia has indeed always been his­torically important as a region of the Silk Road, the crossroads of world civilizations, active trade and economic interaction, scientific and cultural relationships. The contribution of Central Asia, including the states that existed on the territory of Uzbekistan, to the world heritage is colossal.

Today we are standing witness the revival of this historical role of our region. And one of the decisive factors of this, in our opinion, is the strengthening of the Central Asian states as independent, self‑determined, full‑fledged international entities with a unique Central Asian identity and a vision of the development of their region as a single civilizational space.

An important factor for the realization of the huge economic and human potential that the region possesses is also pro­found reforms and transformations in Uzbekistan. The on­going processes of political and economic liberalization, structural renewal of the economy, public administration, scientific and educational sphere, lay the foundation for a new era—the “Third Renaissance,” as President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has called this historical period.

In the conditions of hard‑to‑predict processes taking place in the modern world, Uzbekistan realizes its special responsibility for maintaining the comprehensive and dynamic development of Central Asia. This is achieved by pursuing a sound, prag­matic and constructive foreign policy strategy that developed in order to best meet the goals of minimizing risks and threats to regional and international security, creating a conducive en­vironment for maintaining peace, stability, friendly relations between peoples, and ensuring their prosperity.

Speaking about the difficult external conditions in which do­mestic reforms and the new foreign policy of Uzbekistan are being carried out, I have in mind, first of all, that the instability of the world economy, the growth of international competi­tion, as well as the difficulty of adapting both developing and developed countries to global climatic, technological, infor­mational, social and other changes. Many of these processes have manifested themselves most tangibly during the current pandemic, which entails long‑term consequences that can change, and are already changing various aspects of the in­ternal and international development of states, and, in general, the development of mankind.

The Government of Uzbekistan, when shaping the domestic and foreign policy of the state, deeply analyzes and takes into account all the mentioned trends. More to the point, that the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev from the outset of his presidency foresaw many of those world events that today directly affect the interests and the state of both our region and most countries of the world.

Speaking in January 2018 at the meeting on the country’s di­plomacy, the President of Uzbekistan drew particular attention to the need to develop and conduct an active foreign policy aimed at effectively achieving national interests and strength­ening the state’s ability to adequately respond to emerging challenges and risks: “We are aware that the current difficult times present us with more and more rigid conditions,” said the Head of the country. “In such extremely difficult and alarming conditions, we will not be able to achieve our goals without a strong foreign policy.”

The Strategy of Action for the five priority areas of develop­ment of the Republic of Uzbekistan for 2017‑2021, developed on the initiative of the President, includes modernization of the public administration, the judicial and legal system, eco­nomic liberalization, reforms in the social sector, as well as the principles of foreign policy and security policy. This is a program of real renewal, the foundation of which is the prin­ciple of “Human interests are paramount,” and it is already being actively implemented.

The strategy provides for a balanced, mutually beneficial and constructive foreign policy aimed at strengthening the inde­pendence and sovereignty of the state, creating a belt of se­curity, stability and good‑neighborliness around Uzbekistan, and strengthening the country’s international image.

Through the implementation of this course, fundamental positive changes have been taking place in Central Asia since 2017. An atmosphere of mutual trust, friendship and respect has been created in relations among the states of the region, as well as open cooperation in the implemen­tation of regional and international initiatives that are in the interest of all the countries of Central Asia. The regular Consultative meetings of the Heads of State of Central Asia initiated by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev were a common achievement in the region to jointly seek solutions to re­gion‑wide issues.

In the last four years, Uzbekistan’s mutual trade with Central Asian countries has increased fivefold. The current pandemic crisis has not been able to break the new trend towards the mutually beneficial trade, economic, investment and hu­manitarian links between our countries. On the contrary, good‑neighborly relations between our countries are being strengthened continuously through solidarity and mutual support.  

Uzbekistan’s new foreign policy includes active assistance in overcoming crises and establishing stability, including in neighboring Afghanistan, which is part of our region. The high‑level Tashkent conference on Afghanistan, held in March 2018, marked a new stage in mobilizing the international com­munity’s efforts to resolve the Afghan problem peacefully and involve the country in regional economic cooperation.

As the President of Uzbekistan emphasized during the seven­ty‑fifth session of the UN General Assembly, “today Central Asia has a major policy challenge which is to ensure deep in­tegration of our region into global economic, transport and transit corridors.” These and other important international initiatives of Uzbekistan mark our country’s entry into a new level of foreign policy openness, encourage foreign invest­ments, technologies and interregional interconnection to the region.

As you have justly noted, the major world powers have interests in Central Asia, including in Uzbekistan, which necessitates a high level of foreign policy competition. However, today, I think it is clear that the time of the “Great Game” is over, it is in the past of our region and empires fought for influence in this strategically important part of the world. Nowadays, attempts to revive the zero‑sum geopolitical game could lead to great losses for all parties and must be well aware.

The processes we are witnessing today in the region demon­strated the contrary: each of the world’s major forces, in­cluding, of course, Russia, China, the United States, the Euro­pean Union, as well as regional powers—India, Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, are interested in increasing the region’s participation in global economic and political processes.

The open policy of Uzbekistan has allowed to strengthen and deepen the relations of the strategic partnership with all the above‑mentioned states, active international actors. This is one of the evidence that, in addition to the well‑known con­tradictions that exist among them, these states certainly have common interests in this part of the world. Such interests are to support the state sovereignty and independence of the Central Asian states, continue their multi‑dimensional foreign policy and the path of civilized democratic development, and integrate consistently into the global economy. The interest of each of the world’s powers is in strengthening the capacity of the Central Asian countries to confront new threats and pre­vent conflicts and crises that have a broad destabilizing effect beyond one region.

Baku Dialogues:

Let’s start with a discussion of the United States—a country you know well—in view of the recent presidential elections. You served there as the ambassador of Uzbekistan for about seven years, arriving at the height of the War on Terror when Uzbekistan played a unique role in the fight against violent extremism. Since then, the bilateral relationship has evolved—we can say that neither country is now as it was when you served in Washington—but so has America’s relationship with the entire Silk Road region, in light of the January 2020 release of its formal strategy document on Central Asia. In the context of its promotion, America’s Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Affairs Alice Wells referred to both “historical openings” and “enduring opportunities” while emphasizing that America sees Central Asia as a “geostrategic region of importance in its own right.”

So how do you assess, Mr. Minister, Uzbekistan’s bilateral relationship with the United States evolving in the time to come? And, more broadly, what sort of contribution do you think America can make to Central Asia’s development?

Kamilov:

Cooperation with the United States is one of the priorities of the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. This is reflected in the Concept of Foreign Policy of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the Declaration on the Strategic Partnership and Cooperation Framework with the United States of 2002. During President Mirziyoyev’s visit to the U.S. in May 2018, a Joint Statement of the two heads of states “The United States and Uzbeki­stan: Launching a New Era of Strategic Partnership” was ad­opted. I would like to underline that the relations between Uzbekistan and the United States are comprehensive, long‑term and multifaceted.

Uzbekistan stands ready to continue developing cooperation with the United States on the principles of mutual respect and consideration of each other’s interests. We are interested in strengthening partnership in all areas of the bilateral agenda. In the political arena, this can be achieved through further intensification of mutual high‑level visits. The visits of Secretary of State Michael Pompeo, the U.S. Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross, members of the Congress and other high‑ranking representatives of the U.S. administra­tion to Uzbekistan over the past years have been very suc­cessful. We hope that this positive trend will continue.

One of the important objectives for the near future is revi­talization of the “Congressional Uzbekistan Caucus” in the House of Representatives, which was established at the end of 2018. In our view, the intensification of the dialogue with the U.S. Congress representatives and senators is very im­portant for strengthening the understanding in the United States of the comprehensive reforms carried out by our Government.

Cooperation with the U.S. in the fields of trade, economic and investment is a priority direction of our partnership. The coronavirus pandemic has affected the bilateral trade, which previously showed rapid growth and almost doubled in 2019. In this regard, the primary goal, in our opinion, should be to restore the dynamics of trade and economic re­lations. Today, Uzbekistan has created favorable conditions for attracting foreign investments, including the American investments, into the infrastructure development, agri­culture, energy and other sectors. Maintaining the trade preferences between our countries, which was recently an­nounced by the U.S. administration, will help expand trade turnover.

We are planning to establish another campus of the Webster University in the city of Fergana in the near future. We will actively expand the sister city relationships between cities and maintain close contacts with our compatriots residing in the U.S.

Uzbekistan intends to continue active dialogue with the United States within the “C5+1” framework (five Central Asian coun­tries and the United States), which was launched in November 2015 in Samarkand. This platform has proved to be an effec­tive mechanism for discussing important issues of the region, contributing to the alignment of positions in the spheres of economy, infrastructure and environmental protection.

Peace in Afghanistan largely depends on the United States. In this context, it is important to continue the dialogue within the “Uzbekistan‑U.S.‑Afghanistan” format. The work carried out in its framework contributes to strengthening of cooperation in the development of practical proposals aimed at promoting the peace process and reviving the Afghan economy.

Uzbekistan is interested in the involvement of the U.S. private and public investments in the implementation of strategically important projects—such as the construction of the Surkhan‑Puli‑Khumri power transmission line and the railway routes from Mazar‑i‑Sharif to the seaports of Pakistan. We intend to continue developing a dialogue with the United States in this direction.

Interaction within the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) facilitates the development of economic cooperation between Uzbekistan and the United States and the countries of Central Asia. Uzbekistan also maintains part­nership with the United States in the framework of regional infrastructure initiatives designed to stimulate the flow of long‑term foreign investments into projects that meet international development standards.

Baku Dialogues:

Let us now turn to China and Russia. As it happens, Uzbekistan is one of only three countries in the Silk Road region—the others are Armenia and Turkmenistan—that does not share a land border with either Russia or China, or both. And yet Moscow and Beijing figure most prom­inently in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy posture. So how does the view from Tashkent look like, Mr. Minister, with regards to relations with China and Russia? Or to re‑phrase the question this way: both in terms of bilateral relations and regional affairs, what do Moscow and Beijing each bring to the Central Asian table?

Kamilov:

The relations with Russia take an important place in the pri­orities of Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. The Russian Federation is our traditional, reliable partner, cooperation with which is actively and productively developing in all areas on the basis of the Treaty on Strategic Partnership in 2004 and the Treaty on Allied Relations of 2005.

In recent years, thanks to the friendly, trusting dialogue between the presidents of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Russia Vladimir Putin, as well as regular exchanges of high‑level delegations, inter‑parliamentary ties, the Uzbek‑ Russian relations are developing dynamically.

Russia is one of the leading foreign economic partners of Uzbekistan with an almost 16 percent share in the foreign trade turnover of our country. Due to the “green corridor” system, a special order of phytosanitary control, and a reduc­tion in VAT, conducive conditions have been created for in­creasing the export of agricultural products from Uzbekistan to the Russian market.

The Russian Federation is also a leading investor in the coun­try’s economy with over $10 billion in investments.

The reforms being implemented in our country are supported by Russia since they are opening up the new prospects for in­tensifying bilateral ties and implementing mutually beneficial projects in trade, energy, infrastructure, transport, technology, science and education—in all areas of mutual interest.

We closely cooperate in the field of education, information, as well as the development of the Russian language in Uzbekistan. There are branches of the Moscow State Institute (University) of International Relations (MGIMO), Lomonosov Moscow State University, Plekhanov Russian Economic University and other authoritative Russian universities in Tashkent, which we consider as an important investment in youth development.

Both Uzbekistan and Russia confirmed their commitment at the highest level to deepening strategic relations in political and diplomatic, trade and economic, humanitarian and other areas, where, as we see concrete results have already been achieved.

Along with this, our relations with China are developing dy­namically and characterized as a comprehensive strategic partnership. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is our time‑honored partner, which invariably supports the way of independent development and the reforms being carried out in Uzbekistan.

In recent years, the Uzbek‑Chinese cooperation, which covers various areas, has been filled with new practical con­tent. A solid foundation for this was created through a trust­worthy dialogue between the President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev and the President of the PRC Xi Jinping, close in­teraction between foreign policy and foreign economic institu­tions, contacts between parliamentarians, business, academic and expert communities.

Today, China is the leading trade, economic and investment partner of Uzbekistan and acts as a participant in the programs for structural modernization of economy.

Tashkent and Beijing are actively cooperating within the framework of the United Nations, Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Conference on Interaction and Confidence‑Building Measures in Asia (CICA), constructively interact on the issues of regional and global security, imple­mentation of sustainable development goals.

The vision of further development of relations with China was clearly unveiled in the recent speech of the President Shavkat Mirziyoyev at the opening ceremony of the third China International Import Expo. The head of Uzbekistan has pro­posed five key directions for the development of cooperation between the two countries, in particular, the liberalization of foreign trade relations, including investments in projects for organization the production of high‑demand goods in our markets; development of transport and transit potential, for­mation of an effective system of the land communications in the region; industrial development—the adoption of a pro­gram of industrial cooperation and the stimulation of the implementation of specific projects using the instruments of joint investment funds; digitalization of the economy, as well as strengthening cooperation in the fight against pandemic.

Baku Dialogues:

Interconnectivity, in the broadest sense, is critical to fostering trade in the twenty‑first century. We all speak now of financing and building trans­portation and communications infrastructure of all sorts—from road and rail networks to internet cabling—and we all have discussions about reg­ulatory compatibility and standard setting. And of course there is the stra­tegic issue of energy security, one aspects of which is the implementation of regional pipeline projects throughout the Silk Road region, pointing outward in all directions.

Over the past two decades, both the EU and the United States has put forward various initiatives, proposals, and plans in this regard; but by far the most ambitious is the Belt and Road Initiative. Launched in 2013 by China, BRI’s grand economic strategy—whatever else it may or may not be—aims to reconnect three continents, cover a population of 4,4 billion people, and provide a total investment output in the neighborhood of $20 trillion, by some estimates.

BRI’s economic attractiveness is evident for a country like Uzbekistan. If implemented properly, BRI could fundamentally transform the economic destiny of not just your nation but that of the entire Silk Road region. On the other hand, China’s flagship development initiative has not exactly been greeted with unconditional enthusiasm by some of the other great powers. This does not seem to have discouraged Uzbekistan, and much of your neigh­borhood, from engaging actively within the framework provided by BRI. So with this in mind, Mr. Minister, what role do you see Uzbekistan playing in the development of the Belt and Road Initiative in the time to come?

Kamilov:

Uzbekistan supported the initiative of the President of China Xi Jinping “One Belt One Road” (OBOR). President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took part twice in the OBOR forums in Beijing.

In its approaches of cooperation within the framework of the OBOR, Uzbekistan proceeds from its own national interests. Particular importance is attached to the high‑quality develop­ment of joint investment and infrastructure projects within the framework of this initiative ensuring their financial stability and economic efficiency.

The Leadership of Uzbekistan pays a great attention to the proj­ects on the creation of new multimodal international transport corridors, including those connecting the railway systems of Central and South Asia. The implementation of proposals put forward by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in this area at the OBOR and UN forums will contribute to the development of the “One Belt One Road” initiative in accordance with the in­terests of the countries of our and neighboring regions.

The formation of promising interregional transport routes, in particular the implementation of the project for the construction of the “Uzbekistan‑Kyrgyzstan‑China” railway, as well as the creation of new economic corridors, such as “China‑Central Asia‑Western Asia,” will ensure the intercon­nection of the land transport system of the Eurasian continent and economies of the participating countries to a new level of development.

It would be economically feasible to establish the pass‑through tariff for rail transportation along the OBOR routes passing through the Central Asian region.

The projects for the development of transport and logistics potential, modernization of the agro‑industrial sector, energy, tourism, “green economy,” introduction of new technologies and innovations are on the focus of our attention.

In this, we see the basis not only for cooperation with China, but also for expanding the international cooperation with other interested states.

In this regard, it is worth noting the prospects for linking the OBOR with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which can stimulate the processes of regional trade, economic and transport connectivity with the participation of Russia, other EAEU and SCO member states. Although Uzbekistan is not a member of the EAEU, our country is developing a close mutually beneficial cooperation with the member states of this union.

Uzbekistan also supports the European Union Strategy for Central Asia adopted in 2019, which is based on the European notion of regional connectivity. The Strategy includes harmo­niously bounded transport, digital, communication, energy and humanitarian links, as well as the certain rules and stan­dards. We are looking forward to signing the draft Extended Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with the EU, which will allow us to expand our political, trade, economic and in­vestment cooperation, and will contribute to strengthening ties between Central Asia and Europe.

In general, Uzbekistan supports the search for optimal models of joining various regional initiatives and national strategies for economic development, which would allow opening up new opportunities for the enhancing of trade, attracting in­vestment, facilitating business activity, cooperation, and the implementation of large‑scale transcontinental projects.

Baku Dialogues:

Mr. Minister, Central Asia—which in your reckoning includes Afghanistan, as you mentioned—has been, is, and will evidently remain a priority for Uzbekistan. Perhaps the key to secure prosperity for the region lies in figuring out how to maintain equilibrium but not equidistance be­tween China and Russia. And in the view of one member of the Editorial Advisory Council of Baku Dialogues—who is widely seen as one of the world’s foremost experts on the Silk Road region—an even more im­portant piece of the puzzle that’s missing is the lack of a regional frame­work comparable in scope to ASEAN or the Nordic Council. And it’s no secret that some important steps have already been taken in the direction of establishing structures for regional cooperation. Now, in the consid­ered view of our Editorial Advisory Council member, Uzbekistan is par­ticularly well‑positioned to credibly take the lead in spearheading what would surely amount to a generational endeavor—a truly game‑changing, ambitious enterprise to anchor the region’s five countries more closely together. So the question is this: can you envision Central Asia heading in that sort of institutional direction? Is a Central Asian version of ASEAN or the Nordic Council on the horizon?

Kamilov:

The President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev has clearly defined that the country’s main foreign policy priority is to pursue an open and constructive policy towards its neighbors, tackle the Central Asian problems on the basis of equality, mu­tual consideration of interests and search for reasonable com­promises. The goal of this strategy is to transform Central Asia into a region of stability, security and prosperity.

Achieving these tasks, as well as ensuring sustainable and dy­namic development of our entire region, largely depends on how close and harmonious the interaction between the states of Central Asia will be.

Strengthening political trust and good‑neighborly relations between Uzbekistan and the countries of Central Asia in re­cent years represents a positive milestone in the modern his­tory of the region.

The initiative of the President Shavkat Mirziyoyev to organize regular Consultative Meetings of Heads of State represents great importance for the continuation of these positive trends. This initiative for the first time was put forward on November 10, 2017 in Samarkand during the international conference “Central Asia: Shared Past and Common Future, Cooperation for Sustainable Development and Mutual Prosperity.”

Uzbekistan understands that there is a real need today for a joint search for ways to solve regional problems. It is necessary to unite the efforts of the countries of the region on the basis of the principle of shared responsibility.

As the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan has empha­sized, “we are not talking about the creation of a new interna­tional organization in Central Asia or any integration structure with its own charter and supranational bodies. The activities of the regional platform for dialogue will be aimed exclu­sively at “synchronizing watches” on the key issues of regional development.”

The initiative of Uzbekistan was fully supported by the leaders of the Central Asian countries, who stressed that the Consultative meetings will be a dialogue platform for open and trustworthy discussion of relevant issues of regional cooperation.

At the meeting in Tashkent, the heads of state have agreed to develop a dialogue and partnership in priority areas, using enormous economic potential of the region, continue active cooperation in creating a regional system of efficient economic and transport corridors.

In addition, Tashkent became a platform for a thorough ex­change of views on regional cooperation in the field of joint water use, mitigating the effects of climate change and coun­tering environmental challenges, including in the Aral Sea re­gion, attracting innovative technologies to the region, intro­ducing a “green economy,” and preventing desertification.

Presidents have agreed to maintain active interregional con­tacts, the programs to promote common values and traditions that unite the peoples of the region.

Today, the process is underway to form broad opportunities for deepening and building up interregional cooperation, bringing it to a qualitatively new level. The Central Asian states have opened up a new page in the centuries‑old chronicle of friendship, good neighborliness and mutual support.

Thus, we can say that in the near future the countries of the region will interact with each other on the basis of regular con­tacts within the framework of the Consultative meeting, taking into account mutual interests and reasonable compromises.

Along with this, the analysts in the region and beyond are talking about the prospects for the emergence of a structure for a new format of regionalism in Central Asia. In our opinion, it is too early to talk about the creation of such a structure.

Undoubtedly, the experience of ASEAN and the Nordic Council, which demonstrate the sustainable regionalism in difficult geopolitical conditions, is being studied in Central Asia. Some of their aspects can be applied to promote regional cooperation and future integration processes.

However, it is necessary to understand that each of the existing regional organizations like ASEAN was formed on the basis of already established interstate relations, with specific conditions and in a certain historical period. For Central Asian states, the experience of such structures is valuable not as a “tracing paper,” but in terms of studying the pos­sibilities of deepening the political, trade and economic interaction of countries with different levels of develop­ment, forming their relations with world powers and other regional structures.

Baku Dialogues:

Let us stay on the topic of regional affairs. Uzbekistan joined the Turkic Council as a full member in 2019. And for those of us based in Azerbaijan, it was a fortuitous sign that this happened at the organization’s Baku summit, which, as it happened, coincided with the tenth anniver­sary of the adoption of the landmark Nakhichevan Agreement. Joining the Turkic Council is obviously an issue of identity and a sense of belonging that touches upon history, language, culture, and so much else. And it is also about practical cooperation, as we have seen in the way the Turkic world came together to combat the coronavirus pandemic in the wake of the extraordinary summit meeting that was held in April. The question has two parts, Mr. Minister. First, can you speak to the concrete bene­fits for Uzbekistan that membership in the Turkic Council has accrued since your country joined? And second, can you say something about Uzbekistan’s strategic vision for the future of the Turkic Council—looking ahead to the twentieth anniversary of the Nakhichevan Agreement?

Kamilov:

Uzbekistan’s accession to the Cooperation Council of Turkic‑Speaking States (CCTS) last year was a logical contin­uation of the country’s new foreign policy course. The coop­eration of the member states in this organization is based on the common history, language, culture and traditions of the fraternal peoples. Considering that our country was one of the cradles of the civilizations of the Turkic‑speaking peoples, its participation in the Turkic Council is an objective process.

Despite the consequences of the pandemic, in the current dif­ficult period, the Council manifests itself as a dynamic inter­state structure. The Turkic Council was one of the first among international structures to respond to the pandemic crisis: on April 10 this year on the initiative of Azerbaijan, as Chair of the organization, the Summit was held in the video‑conferencing format. As a result, the leaders of our countries, unanimously showing solidarity in the fight against the pandemic and its negative consequences, have agreed to develop and imple­ment practical measures for cooperation in the context of a pandemic – from interaction in the healthcare sector to facili­tating transport links.

Uzbekistan is an active participant in the process of deepening cooperation between the countries of the Turkic Council. Therefore, during the video summit held on April 10 this year, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev put forward a number of initia­tives in the areas of healthcare, trade, investment and trans­port. They are already under practical implementation. Thus, the Coordination Committee for Combating the Pandemic was created within the CCTS, which plays an important role in expanding cooperation between the healthcare institutions sharing experience in the treatment and prevention of corona­virus and developing vaccines.

Another important initiative voiced by Tashkent was the signing on September 11, 2020 of the Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation between the Turkic Council and the World Health Organization (WHO).

Also, on the initiative of the Uzbek side, a Working Group of Transport Ministers was created within the Organization and its first meeting was held. This mechanism makes it possible to promptly agree on the schemes for the delivery of humani­tarian goods and the uninterrupted transportation of essential goods during a pandemic among the CCTS member states.

The Turkic Council is a young regional organization with good development prospects. Modern international and regional processes necessitate the strengthening interconnectedness in the field of economy and transport. The member states of the Council have enormous potential for economic, transport and transit, scientific, technological and human development. To­gether we have to realize these great opportunities.

Baku Dialogues:

In his address to the UN General Assembly in September, President Mirziyoyev advocated expanding the competencies of the World Health Organization and proposed the development, under UN auspices, of an “international code of voluntary commitments of states during pan­demics.” Mr. Minister, can you say something more about this—how, in your view, this proposal could play an important role in restoring much‑needed trust, without which multilateral diplomacy and international co­operation is much harder to engender?

Kamilov:

The global crisis caused by COVID‑19 has affected all spheres of public life and economic development of states and revealed a number of global problems in the pandemic response system. By and large, it showed the absence of a global action plan for such emergencies.

Based on the need to enhance the principles of common re­sponsibility, close international coordination in countering global threats to human health and security, the President of Uzbekistan speaking at the seventy‑fifth session of the UN General Assembly has initiated the adoption of the Interna­tional Code of Voluntary Commitments of States during Pan­demics under the UN auspices.

The aim of this initiative is to consolidate the minimum vol­untary obligations of states, both to their citizens and to in­ternational partners, in the political, social, economic, hu­manitarian and human rights spheres based on the relevant UN resolutions, recommendations of the World Health Organization and universal multilateral instruments.

The pandemic poses a serious risk for the world community in achieving the goals and objectives of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In this regard, the Code will con­solidate voluntary obligations of states to support the health system, raise awareness and sanitary and hygienic culture of the population, and ensure social protection, maintaining food security and supply chains, and strengthening interna­tional cooperation and mutual assistance in the fight against pandemics.

The endorsement and adoption of such a Code by the interna­tional community will contribute to the elaboration of frame­work and reasonable approaches. Such approaches mean:

First, determination of the temporary nature of restrictive measures with mandatory guarantees of observance of citi­zens’ rights and freedoms. Such measures should be propor­tionate to the risks, should not impede international trade and efforts to support socially vulnerable groups of population; Second, development of systemic, timely and effective mea­sures of prevention, forecasting, containment at early stages, counteraction to epidemics and their consequences; Third, ensuring labor safety, especially in the healthcare system.

We are convinced that the implementation of this initiative will be a step towards the formation of a fair global system that will facilitate an effective and coordinated response of the world community to common challenges.

Baku Dialogues:

The UN’s flagship multilateral initiative is the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The SDGs are unprecedented in their scope and ambition for human progress—a declaration of, and a pathway to­wards, the comprehensive transformation of humanity, predicated on the strategic assumption that in the twenty‑first century, our economic, so­cial, and environmental affairs are interconnected in unprecedented ways.

As you know, Mr. Minister, achieving the SDGs worldwide is predicated on the assumption of increasing international cooperation; it is also pred­icated on enough resources being dedicated to achieving the SDGs. We’ve seen how both of these assumptions have been set back in 2020—the first because of how the world has handled the coronavirus pandemic and the second because of how countries are prioritizing the allocation of funds to quickly get out of the global recession it has caused, sometimes to the detriment of SDG implementation.

Mr. Minister, how has Uzbekistan integrated sustainable development in its domestic policies and the conduct of external relations, and how has the pandemic affected your approach to fulfilling the SDGs?

Kamilov:

The Sustainable Development Goals adopted in 2015 are of crucial importance for Uzbekistan. The idea behind the SDGs is that economic development must go hand in hand with improved social protection and the inclusion of vulnerable groups in development.

The presentation of Uzbekistan’s first Voluntary National Review on progress in implementation of the SDGs was held at the High‑level Political Forum under the auspices of ECOSOC on July 15, 2020. The delegation headed by Madame Tanzila Narbayeva, the Chairman of the Oliy Majlis Senate, empha­sized the country’s strong commitment to the implementation of the 2030 Global Agenda and the promotion of large‑scale reform within the Uzbekistan’s Development Strategy that are fully consistent with the SDGs.

The work is underway to integrate the National SDGs into national, sectoral and regional development strategies and programs, including the Concept of Comprehensive Socio‑ Economic Development of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the Poverty Reduction Strategy until 2030, which is being now developed.

The Government of Uzbekistan has taken a number of major anti‑crisis measures, including financial, economic and regu­latory, to support entrepreneurs, vulnerable groups of popula­tion and workers in social institutions in order to mitigate the impact of the pandemic on the SDGs. An anti‑crisis fund of $1 billion has been created.

Uzbekistan’s leadership has set tasks to further reduce pov­erty and inequality; improve the quality and equal access to social services, in particular in healthcare and educa­tion with a focus on remote regions and vulnerable groups of population; secure sustainable employment, especially among youth and women; achieve a more rational use of water, energy, land and other natural resources. Further strengthening the rule of law, freedom of speech and mass media, increasing transparency and quality of public ser­vices, reducing corruption and ensuring gender equality on the principle of “leaving no one behind” are among the im­portant tasks.

Consistent implementation of the ongoing reforms in Uzbeki­stan, as well as active cooperation with the United Nations and other international partners will contribute to the successful achievement of the sustainable development goals.

Baku Dialogues:

Uzbekistan has a longstanding relationship with NATO—your country joined Partnership for Peace in July 1994, right around the time you were appointed foreign minister the first time around. You have joined, twice, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, but in 2012 Uzbekistan sus­pended its membership, although it engages with many of the CSTO countries through the CIS. And since the turn of the century, Uzbekistan has been a full and active member of the Shanghai Cooperation Orga­nization: after all, the SCC’s Secretary‑General is from Uzbekistan—in fact, he’s a former foreign minister. So can you shed light on Uzbekistan’s security posture, given these and other facts?

Kamilov:

In the context of globalization the bilateral and multilateral co­operation in the military and military‑technical sphere, as well as in the field of security is an important component of stability and ensuring sustainable peace. Uzbekistan actively interacts with partner states, as well as international and regional orga­nizations in these areas based on the national interests. Along with this, Uzbekistan firmly adheres to the principle of secu­rity indivisibility since the state of national security and the level of sustainability of the situation of any country, certainly, has an impact on stability at the regional and global levels.

After gaining independence, our country consistently and based on the national interests participates in the NATO Partnership for Peace Program within the annually approved individual programs. Participation in this Program is essential in terms of exchange of experience and advanced knowledge in the military and military‑technical fields. Uzbek military personnel regularly participate in Alliance’s activities related to military education, training of staff officers, improving lan­guage skills, conducting trainings and exercises to combat ter­rorism and other threats.

At the same time, Uzbekistan develops close cooperation in the military and military‑technical sphere at the bilateral level with leading foreign policy partner states based on the inter­ests of national security. Much attention is paid to the devel­opment of multilateral cooperation to ensure regional security within the SCO and the CIS.

In particular, Uzbekistan participates in interaction on the is­sues of combating terrorism in the SCO and in December 2018 ratified the Agreement on the procedure for organizing and conducting joint anti‑terrorist exercises by the SCO Member States dated 2008. The Executive Committee of the Regional Anti‑Terrorist Structure (RATS) SCO is located in Tashkent.

For its part, the CIS is an important regional mechanism for us to develop mutually acceptable approaches and conformed prac­tical measures to unite the potential of countries ensuring secu­rity in the Commonwealth space, including in the field of actions against terrorism, extremism, drug trafficking, illegal migration and human trafficking, organized crime groups and cybercrime.

Along with this, according to the Concept of Foreign Policy Activities of Uzbekistan, the armed forces of our country do not participate in peacekeeping missions and operations abroad. Uzbekistan does not place foreign military bases and facilities on its territory. These principles remain unchanged.

Baku Dialogues:

Our final question. Mr. Minister, is about Uzbekistan’s relationship with Azerbaijan and the South Caucasus. Since late September, a central issue for the Silk Road region and beyond has been the reheating of the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

So our question. Mr. Minister, is not just about Tashkent’s position on the Nagorno‑Karabakh conflict, although that’s obviously a central issue, but also, more broadly, about the bilateral ties between Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan. How do you assess this relationship? And do you see a role for Uzbekistan in bringing Armenia ‘back into the regional fold,’ so to speak, in the aftermath of the end of the war?

Kamilov:

The relations between Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan are charac­terized by a high level of trust and lack of disagreements, they have clearly defined strategic priorities and guidelines. We re­gard Azerbaijan as a brotherly country and a key state in the South Caucasus.

Tashkent and Baku maintain close contacts at the highest and high levels, as well as within regional and international structures. Since 2016, 11 meetings have been held between the leaders of the two countries Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Ilham Aliyev within the framework of international events of the CIS, SCO and CCTSS.

Let me remind you that it was at the Baku summit of the Turkic Council on October 15, 2019 that President Shavkat Mirziyoyev first introduced Uzbekistan as a full member in this organization. The high‑level talks held during this visit between the leaders of Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan opened up a new page in the traditionally friendly relations between the two countries, confirmed the commitment of the parties to in­crease cooperation in trade, economic, investment, transport and communication and other spheres.

At present, over 130 documents have been signed between Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan. Among them the 1996 Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, as well as the 2004 Declaration on the Further Strengthening of Strategic Partnership.

Over the past three years, more than 40 high‑level visits have taken place between the parties, including the visit of the Prime Minister of Uzbekistan Abdulla Aripov to Baku to participate in the opening ceremony of the Baku‑Tbilisi‑Kars railway (in 2017).

The inter‑parliamentary friendship groups actively interact. The Azerbaijan‑Uzbekistan inter‑parliamentary group has been functioning in the Milli Majlis of Azerbaijan since 1995. In 2018, an inter‑parliamentary group on cooperation with the Milli Majlis of Azerbaijan was established in the Oliy Majlis of Uzbekistan.

An important mechanism for promoting bilateral coopera­tion in trade, economic, investment and other spheres is the Intergovernmental Commission on Cooperation, through which 10 meetings were held.

In Uzbekistan, people are especially proud of the fact that in the center of the capitals of our countries—Baku and Tashkent—the monuments to the outstanding Uzbek poet, educator and statesman Alisher Navoi and the world‑famous, greatest Azerbaijani poet and thinker Nizami Ganjavi have been erected. One of the central streets of Baku is named after the great Uzbek scientist Mirzo Ulugbek.

I would also like to note that in 2010 the Azerbaijan cultural center named after Heydar Aliyev was opened in Tashkent, and one of the streets in the capital was named after the na­tional leader of brotherly Azerbaijan.

All this serves as a clear evidence that strong friendship, cultural and spiritual closeness between the Uzbek and Azerbaijani peoples have been and remain the foundation for further strengthening the close and fruitful interstate relations between Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, and the mutual support in the international arena.

Tashkent and Baku definitely and firmly support each other’s positions on various issues and problems.

In this context, I want to emphasize that Uzbekistan has per­manently advocated and continues to advocate a peaceful, political solution to the Nagorno‑Karabakh conflict, and considers ensuring the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan to be the main condition for its settlement.

I would like to draw your attention to the fact that in its official statement of September 27 this year the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Uzbekistan called on the parties of the conflict to begin diplomatic negotiations with a view to a peaceful set­tlement of the conflict in compliance with the above princi­ples of sovereignty and territorial integrity. In addition, the Uzbek side, as the chairperson of the CIS, has confirmed “the importance of strengthening relations of friendship, good neighborliness and mutual trust, the peaceful resolution of controversial issues in the Commonwealth space strictly in ac­cordance with international law.”

We fully support the readiness of Azerbaijan to sit down at the negotiating table with Armenia and discuss the conditions for peaceful coexistence of the population on the territory of Nagorno‑Karabakh.

We wish the people and the leadership of Azerbaijan the ear­liest possible achievement of peace and prosperity, the imple­mentation of all creative plans and initiatives.

Baku Dialogues:

Thank you, Mr. Minister, for the interview.